Examining National Standards
by Melanie Rhoads, Ron Sieber, Susan Slayton
UNC-CH Graduate Students
THE ISSUE
A plethora of reform movements in the last two decades has served
to reinforce the public's perception that public education is failing.
From local school efforts to state-wide initiatives, many reformers have
sought to cure the numerous ills that plague America's public education
system. A recurring theme among many reform efforts is a need for federal
intervention. However, Supreme Court rulings, such as Brown versus the
Board of Education and San Antonio School District versus Rodriguez, find
no cons titutional mandates for federal control of education; therefore,
education is a responsibility of the individual states (Yudof, et.al.,
1992). The federal government, nevertheless, entered the reform movement
by creating national goals and financing efforts designe d to establish
national standards.
Instituting such standards implies that students will learn the
same content, regardless of where they reside. "Starting school reform by
first deciding what every child should learn strikes most people as only
common sense," noted one author (Gagnon, 1 995, p. 66). National, state,
and local educational governing agencies are currently forging ahead with
plans for establishing higher academic criteria. Unfortunately, however,
there is little agreement among the three levels of government on what
consti tutes quality standards. Educators, administrators, and
policy-makers, as well as the general public, are finding it difficult to
reach consensus on anything involving this effort.
The future of national standards is, at best, uncertain. There will
obviously continue to be much discord as states and local districts decide
whether to incorporate national standards into their curricula. It is
worthwhile to note the opinion of policy analysts Fuhrman and Elmore
(1994) in regard to content standards: "The first, most basic political
reality is that curriculum decisions will be made in state and national
arenas, rather than exclusively in local and school-level arenas" (cited
in Orril l, p. 9). This situation is a departure from the trend toward
increased local control.
Although many analysts feel that the call for national standards
is dead, it is obvious that this issue is still likely to continue to
cause controversy at the national, state, and local levels as various
players attempt to balance the need for uniformit y with the need for
broad interpretation of the national standards. In late March the nation's
governors and top business leaders met in Palisades, New York, to discuss
the current status of the academic standards movement. Many viewed this
meeting as a follow-up to the 1989 summit held by President Bush in
Charlottesville, Virginia (Diegmueller, 1996). Even though it remains to
be seen what will become of national standards, it is obvious that this
movement has serious implications for educational sta keholders.
THE HISTORY
The call for nationwide standards that has led to the recent furor
began with the publication of A Nation at Risk in 1983. The
general feeling among policymakers was that some kind of "national
intervention was needed" (Kirst and Guthrie cited in Cobb, 1995, p. 159).
As a result, former President Bush held an education summit in
Charlottesville, Virginia, that resulted in a statement of national
education goals. In 1990 President Bush proposed world-class content
standards and a set of achieve ment tests in five core subjects (Kirst and
Guthrie cited in Cobb, 1995). One goal called for course content that was
academically challenging and "comparable to that in the best schools here
and overseas, and--for equity--that all students be offered suc h content
and be expected to master it" (Gagnon, 1995, p. 63). As a result of this
goal, numerous professional agencies began working on curriculum standards
for various core subjects.
In 1992 The National Council on Education Standards and Testing was
established to review the issue (U.S.
Department of Education, 1994). A report by this council noted the
following:
In the absence of well-defined and demanding standards,
education in the United States has gravitated toward de facto
national minimum expectations. Except for students who are
planning to attend selective four-year colleges, current education
standards focus on low-level reading and arithmetic skill and on
small amounts of factual material in other content areas.
Consumers of education in this country have settled for far
less than they should and for far less than do their counterparts
in other developed countries (Raising Standards for American
Education, 1992, p. i).
The general logic around the standards-based reform movement is that
educators must agree on what students should master and mastery should be
at a higher level than is currently expected. Furthermore, the council
recommended that states establish school delivery standards "so that
students have the necessary resources available to provide them with the
'opportunity to learn'" (Diegmuller, 1995, p. 5).
It is important to note that the national education standards have
not been the property of one political party. "Not surprisingly, the goals
have been as enthusiastically embraced by the new administration as by its
predecessor" (Cross cited in Cobb, 19 95, p. 43). In fact, President
Clinton signed into law in 1994 the Goals 2000: Educate America Act which
"places the national goals into law, supports the certification of
voluntary national education standards and national skill standards, and
encourage s the states through grant aid to develop their own standards
for education" (Jennings, 1995, p. 768).
Prior to the involvement of federal agencies and policymakers,
work on standards was already underway by professional agencies. The
National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) began discussion of
standards for math in 1989 and published those stan dards in 1992. Many
states and teacher associations had already begun work on standards and
curriculum frameworks before national politicians jumped on the standards
bandwagon in 1989 (Jennings, 1995).
The U.S. Department of Education commissioned four national
projects in arts, civics, geography, and history to establish standards
for each discipline. Other areas including math, social studies, physical
education, and health were self-financed. For t he most part, the results
have been dismal. In March, 1994, the Education Department refused to
continue funding the English/language arts project because it hadn't made
"sufficient progress" (Diegmuller, 1995, p. 7). Professional agencies
committed thei r own funds to complete their project.
The release of national history standards, however, received the
most attention. Released in November of 1994, the furor it created ranged
from cries of elitism by Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole (Pitsch, 1995) to
the Senate denouncing the history standards in a 99-1 vote (Diegmueller
and Viadero,1995). The controversy continued a year later with the release
of the results on the U.S history exam by the National Ass essment of
Educational Progress. The scores indicated that students have little
knowledge and understanding of American history (Diegmueller and Viadero,
1995).
In December of 1995 the National Academy of Sciences released the
final version of the national science standards (Sommerfeld, 1995) and in
November of 1995 the Foreign-Language Standards were unveiled
(Diegmueller, 1995). The majority of the other disciplines have since
released their standards. The action now goes to the state level where
state and local administrators and educators decide first, if they want to
incorporate these voluntary national standards into their o wn programs of
study and secondly, how they will go about doing so.
DRIVING FORCES
Although there are many issues that drive the national standards
movement and give it a life of its own, one must first consider the turf
war it represents. There is a tug-of-war on at least three different
levels:
- world standards versus national standards for the level of quality
that American children receive in public education;
- federal versus states' control over setting the standard of
educational design; and
- professional (educators) versus private (citizens) demands as to
who knows best what the children need to know and when.
Whether one accepts it or not, world standards of excellence are
imposed upon the United States by competing countries in a global arena
made possible by electronic media. Trade agreements that unify continents
and side-step traditional boundaries, as we ll as increased productivity
in third world countries, have produced global trade pressures, thus
forcing a redefinition of what is considered a basic education and
adequate preparation for the world of work in America. There are economic
ramifications of
an undereducated population, and world economic pressures do indeed have an effect upon the anxiety level of business people and educators of today's youth. These ramifications have translated into pressures for serious reform of public education.
The Charlottesville summit in 1989 produced six educational goals and a mind set that national standards might be an idea whose time had come. Two issues prompted this thought. One was the need for equity in educational opportunity, whether considering m
ajority and minority populations, rich and poor districts, or urban and rural locales. Another is the transience of American families who often relocate due to careers. Parents with school-age children need assurance of educational quality and equity for
their children no matter where they live. Equity and excellence, often
considered by education professionals as contradictory forces, thus work
together in bringing a concern for bettering public education. However,
for all its noble ideals, the national
standards movement in 1989 implied centralized governmental control. In political arenas, when one side gains power, another loses, and this implication means that the states would potentially lose control of an important domain.
Thus, the March 26-27, 1996, educational summit attended by President Bill Clinton, forty governors, and forty-nine corporate chief executives (Lawton, 1996), signaled a shift in sentiment to that of states' control. President Clinton implicitly acceded
to these wishes by not pushing the need for federal control (Riechman,
1996). Why such a shift? The conflict over the national standards in
various subject matters, such as history and English/language arts, has
certainly left a negative impression of na tional standards on politicians
at the state level, and the movement back to state control reflects this
concern.
With the empowerment of communities through school-reform efforts
such as site-based management, stakeholders continue to debate the issue
of control at the building level. Teachers have traditionally been
considered the experts in regard to curriculum and teaching strategies.
The perception that public education is greatly in need of reform,
however, has made everyone an expert on what children need, implying that
the public knows more about education than teachers. Everyone from CEOs of
large corpora tions to parents are vocal in expressing their
dissatisfaction.
Demanding a higher standard of curricular excellence and calling
for more academic rigor in American schools is a way of insuring survival
of the culture in a competitive world economy. Clearly, parents,
politicians, and business leaders exert influen ce here; however, teaching
professionals are better used to dealing with diverse populations and
balancing differing needs. Any successful reform effort must include a
cooperative effort among all parties.
DIRECTION AND PROSPECTS
When national standards was still in its conceptual stage, the
idea had few critics. When standards became reality, however, questions
and controversy abounded. As stated previously, federal grants were
awarded for core academic areas to establish their own national content
standards which would promote academic excellence and equity. By April,
1996, there were 14 documents, four of which were not financed by the
federal government (math, social studies, physical education, and health).
Each of these documents has its own format and definitions. Some
cover content standards only while some include performance standards,
describe resources students needed to meet the standards, and have
assessment recommendations. Others even include te aching activities.
Several documents speak to teachers as their audience, and others are
strictly technical documents to be used as planning frameworks
(Diegmueller, 1995). There are no widely accepted definitions of "content
standards" and "curriculum fr ameworks," nor is there common criteria for
what a good standard looks like (Olson, 1995). These inconsistencies need
to be addressed in order to combat the immense confusion and
miscommunication over standards at the national, state, and local levels.
One group that is trying to align high academic content standards
with performance standards and subsequently create a national examination
system is the New Standards project. New Standards is a group of
researchers and policy specialists from the Univ ersity of Pittsburgh and
the National Center on Education and the Economy, a nonprofit research and
policy group based in Rochester, NY. The project now involves six
districts and 17 states. Their focus is on producing end-of-grade
performance standards and assessments for English/language arts,
mathematics, science, and applied learning (performance of tasks for which
students need to achieve understanding of other subject matter) that
students would have to meet in order to be promoted from 4th, 8th, a nd
10th grades. These standards were designed to address the "how good is
good enough" questions which pervade the standards debate.
The New Standards project delineates performance standards for the
three disciplines, as well as applied learning standards for each grade
level from elementary through high school. Student work samples are
included to illustrate specific performance ta sks. These samples include
commentary explaining how the student satisfied or did not satisfy the
standard. International benchmarks for academic achievement and other
standards documents are referred to throughout each grade level volume
(Diegmueller, 1 995).
In response to questions of alignment of New Standards'
performance standards with those of national content standards efforts,
Elizabeth Stage, co-director of science standards for the group, replied,
"We've made a concerted effort to make sure that we are not creating
another set of standards" (Diegmeuller, 1995, p.6). Indeed, the math
standards do seem to coincide with those set forth by the National Council
of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM). Draft documents went out to educators,
scholars, policyma kers, parents, the business community, and other
interested parties at the end of 1995 for review. Project leaders plan to
submit revised documents to the New Standards governing board for approval
at its meeting in June, 1996.
The New Standards project is not the only organization which
applauds the efforts of the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.
Most state leaders also reserve their highest praise for these curriculum
standards. The NCTM standards are widely recog nized as the consensus
document for national standards preparation efforts. They clarify a new
way of teaching and thinking about math which emphasizes problem solving
(Olson, 1995). Many states readily identify their state standards as
being modeled aft er the national ones, much the same as the New Standards
project has.
Contrary to the accolades received by the NCTM, however, is the
publicity received for the US History standards document. The board which
was responsible for developing these standards was highly criticized by
Lynne Cheney, chairwoman for the National En dowment for the Humanities,
who initially had lobbied for history standards, funded the project, and
selected its leaders and many of its board members. According to her, the
history standards portrayed "the United States and its white,
male-dominated po wer structure as an oppressive society that victimizes
minorities and women" (Diegmueller, 1995). This document was condemned
for placating advocates of multicultural education at the expense of
downplaying or even ignoring historical figures such as Geo rge Washington
and Robert E. Lee. Newspaper, radio, and television coverage heightened
attacks on these standards.
Robert Dole, in a speech designed to appeal to the Republican party's
conservative wing, harshly denounced the history standards. In a Labor Day
speech last year he asserted, "The purpose of the national history
standards seems not to be to teach our ch ildren certain facts about our
history, but to denigrate America's story while sanitizing and glorifying
other cultures. This is wrong, and it threatens us surely as any foreign
power ever has.... After years of that, would you love America?" (Pitsch,
1 995) Secretary of Education, Richard Riley also jumped on this political
bandwagon saying, "They portray American history in a bad light, and that
is a mistake.... Those aren't our standards. We had nothing to do with
them" (Pitsch, 1995). The use of fe deral monies and election year dramas
have helped turn national standards into federal ones which will be
manipulated by partisan politics.
A relatively new twist to the standards debate has come from
Christine Todd Whitman, Governor of New Jersey. She plans to equip
classrooms with technology and use new uniform academic standards to ease
inequities among schools. Leaders in some other stat es agree with her
approach. Whitman, in her State of the State address in January,
commented, "Educational equity will only come when we commit ourselves to
educational quality for all students. At the heart of our efforts are
core curriculum standards" (Harp, 1996, p. 25). In order to close the
equity gap between New Jersey's rich and poor schools, Governor Whitman is
proposing a funding formula that will estimate the amount of money that
each district needs to meet the standards that New Jersey is dra fting for
its schools and students. In this way, districts wealthy enough to meet
the standards on their own may receive no money from the state, while
those districts in most need of funding will get it. In effect, the
creation of standards has been cons trued as justification for unequally
distributing government money in the name of equity.
Most obviously the national standards movement is simply providing
some form of support for states as they develop their own academic
standards. Since interpretations of The United States Constitution
assign the responsibility for education to t he individual states, the
national movement really has nowhere else to go. If national content
standards survive, it will be because states find them useful. If states
ignore the national models, they will become irrelevant. Forty-six states
have applied for federal grants under the Goals 2000: Educate America Act
that require them to develop content standards and a related system of
assessments (Olson, 1995). The national movement toward developing content
standards sparked the enormous efforts on the pa rt of states over the
past five to six years to set their own standards. Based on the interviews
of Olson, et. al. some states have engaged in extensive consensus-building
to set standards. The focus tends to be on what students should know
rather than w hat teachers should teach (Olson, 1995).
While there are some similarities between state standards
documents, there are still many inconsistencies which need to be
reconciled. States call their standards everything from "content
standards" to "curriculum frameworks" to "essential learnings." S ome of
these documents are very succinct, while others require volumes of
information. In some states the standards are tied to graduation
requirements, professional development opportunities, and statewide tests.
Other states do not address whether or no t the standards will be
mandatory or voluntary, how they will be implemented, or how they will be
used to measure student performance (Olson, 1995).
The question of where the national standards movement is heading
is a complex one. Whether states will work together to attain some degree
of conformity or simply forge ahead with each state producing its own
standards remains unclear. At this point it a ppears to be headed in 50
differing directions.
IMPLICATIONS
We are a nation of school districts that have grown from one-room
schoolhouse mentalities to world-class concerns. That national standards
will be viewed as a top-down type of reform by some states who will bridle
at any thought of centralized control is inevitable; a recent example of
this quiet rebellion is the national conference in Palisades, NY, where
several states were not represented. Will the states and local districts
align their standards with a national standard willingly?
The Department of Education awarded 46 states grants to develop
state curricular standards. At the same time, funding was provided for
core content areas to develop national standards. This kind of funding
inevitably creates conflict situations, and imp lies that the Department
doesn't itself know which camp it wants to control standards. This lack of
clarity has contributed greatly to the confusion surrounding national
standards.
Given that most of the subject areas have certified a national
standards document, and that school systems nationwide are embracing
elements of the science and mathematics curricula, there may be hope that
the rest of the subject standards will be used. The NCTM standards for
Mathematics, as well as the AAAS Science document , clearly stated the
need for subject matter that was less dependent on rote-learning of facts
and more dependent on constructivist thinking. In addition, it called for
a movement aw ay from teaching in isolation to teaching in contexts,
applications, and learning strands.
Some of these methodological processes apply to other subjects as
well. Inconsistency in content expectations among the subjects had delayed
and even subverted the process in English and history. It would have been
helpful to have initially set a standar d for the content and scope of the
standards themselves; future standards-setting initiatives, such as the
New Standards Project, should keep this in mind.
With the current bent of politicians in both parties to downsize
government, will there remain a Department of Education to oversee this
implementation? If not, will it devolve to a cabinet-level head to guide
the nation on this path? Under the gaze of the world, abandoning education
as a top-level issue would be too politically costly for the U.S.
government.
Some further implications for this issue include the following:
- Will there be a way to balance the current push for site-based management with the conformity of national standards?
- As a national standard is implemented, will state standards converge readily? How much variability or convergence do we have in our standards now?
- Standards evolve as society evolves. How amenable to change are the standards themselves?
RECOMMENDATIONS TO EDUCATORS
In consideration of the reigning confusion and inconsistencies inherent to this national standards movement, we propose the following recommendations to educators.
- Do not regard the standards as a measure of final results imposed on teachers by the administration, politicians, and business leaders. Rather, the focus should continue to be on a commitment to the improvement of students' education, not just comp
liance with standards.
- Support efforts for cohesive, coherent, succinct documents that
connect standards from the various disciplines to one another.
Interdisciplinary, integrated standards are necessary in order to be
useful in the classroom.
- In order to lend some consistency to the standards, educators should
support efforts to align the state's standards with the nationally
developed ones and vice versa.
- Support one distinct format into which all national standards documents must fit.
- Be aware of political manipulation of national standards. Michael Apple, in his article entitled, "The Politics of Official Knowledge: Does a National Curriculum Make Sense?", asserts that a "largely rightist coalition has put such proposals on the
educational agendas" (Apple, 1993, p. 230).
- Make sure that the standards for students reasonably reflect the capabilities of students at that age.
- Get involved in developing performance and assessment standards for your state. Determine your own perspective on the concept of national exams, and be prepared to fight for your position.
- Lobby for what you know is in the best interest of students, not what politicians and special-interest groups say is in the best interests of students
- Pay close attention to the actions and interactions of the Council of
Chief State School Officers, an organization that is pushing for
convergence of national and state standards. Its State Collaboration on
Assessment and Student Standards effort is helping states share
information. They want to assist states in determining how they can use
standards, then support the professional growth and capability of teachers
as they start to work with the standards (O'Neil, 1995).
- Fight for accountability measures which require more than standardized test scores to verify achievement of standards.
- Contact your governor to voice your ideas and concerns. S/he will meet with other governors to discuss educational standards at the National Governors' Association Conference in Puerto Rico in the summer of 1996. One decision that will be made at thi
s conference will be whether or not to create an "independent, privately financed, non-governmental entity to serve as a national clearinghouse or 'war room' for guidance and information to states on standards, assessment, and related issues" (Lawton, 199
6, p. 14).
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